Democrats Try To Project Unity On Build Back Better

House Democrats can at least agree on one thing: They’re anxious about getting some version of the Build Back Better Act passed.

As lawmakers headed back to Washington this week, a group of moderate and progressive Democrats held a press call Monday morning billed as “a unified call for the Senate to quickly finalize the most comprehensive version of the Build Back Better agenda that centers climate action and can pass.”

On the call were the likes of moderate Democrats Rep. Josh Gottheimer (N.J.) and Abigail Spanberger (Va.) as well as Reps. Jahana Hayes (Conn.) and progressive firebrand Katie Porter (Calif.), urging the Senate to pass President Joe Biden’s proposals to address climate change, increase social safety nets and reform the tax code.

But even within that unified message, were signs of the trouble Democrats face in getting this legislation done.

Democrats for months have been trying to find a sweet spot to satisfy every corner of their party, from Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), a budget hawk with deep ties to his state’s coal industry, to those in the Congressional Progressive Caucus, who have been advocating for serious investments in social programs.

They’ve come up empty-handed, unable to cut down costs while keeping everyone satisfied. And they’re still seemingly unwilling to say which parts of the package will have to be left out.

“Republicans and Democrats in the very purple district that I represent understand the relationship between taking action on climate and, for example, having good, high-paying jobs for their kids for the future. So it’s not as simple as saying this is a bucket, that is a bucket,” Porter said, when asked what parts of the bill she would be comfortable leaving out of a final version.

Meanwhile, Gottheimer’s demand for policies like the state and local tax deduction is a sign that, despite the eagerness for a deal, the same stumbling blocks seemingly remain. 

“We must ensure that this legislation includes key incentives for families to move over to electric vehicles for wind and solar power and for utilities to upgrade their power grids and transition to clean energy sources, and we can do all this while cutting taxes and costs for hardworking families by restoring the state and local tax deduction and making pre-K universal and child care affordable,” Gottheimer said Monday. 

The SALT deduction lets homeowners write off from their federal taxable income whatever they’ve paid in taxes to state and local governments. Restoring the deduction mostly benefits the rich, so progressives don’t like it, and the two sides still haven’t come up with a compromise. 

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) last week tweeted that he was “glad to hear that the SALT provisions are no longer in play for Build Back Better,” likely referring to a recently published story  on The Hill that predicted the SALT deduction would likely not be included in a final bill. But spokespeople for Gottheimer and Rep. Tom Suozzi (D-N.Y.) immediately told HuffPost they hadn’t budged from their “no SALT, no deal” position. 

Separately, progressives hope they can get Manchin to support some version of the expanded child tax credit, which last year paid parents as much as $300 per child per month. But neither Manchin nor progressives have publicly committed to any specific changes. 

“There’s not been any formal, basically sit-down meetings or things of that sort,” Manchin told reporters Monday. “I just want to make sure we find a balance and something we can afford.” 

Democrats can agree, however, that the lack of a deal carries major consequences. With rising wages unable to keep pace with inflation, and continued strains from the pandemic, Biden has repeatedly gone back to his Build Back Better proposal as a way to alleviate strains on American families. 

Already, Congress feels behind. 

If the body had a slogan, Porter said, it would be “pass yesterday’s problems tomorrow, maybe.”